The Complications in a Comparison of Thura-Yura Birth-Order Names
The Complications in a Comparison of Thura-Yura Birth-Order Names
According to most sources, a series of ten birth-order names
(BON’s) are a distinct system unique to the Thura-Yura cultural/linguistic family.[1]
This system persists into the modern day in all the Thura-Yura languages,
presenting expanded forms in languages such as Kaurna,[2]
which have organisations in place (such as the KWP) to assist in the
development of language matters.
The notion presented above, of a ten-fold system is,
however, not seen in the lexicon of most Thura-Yura languages, with the majority
having eight or nine. The only system shown to have ten BON’s is the modern
revived Kaurna, which have a formula for creating a near infinite number
of BON’s, as detailed in the Kaurna Learners Guide.
|
TABLE.1
Number
of Birth-Order Names Recorded Before the Revival of Each Thura-Yura Language |
|
|
Language |
Number of BON’s recorded in pre-revival
movements |
|
Kaurna |
nine |
|
Nukunu |
Eight + ‘Last
Child, male’ |
|
Nauo |
Only the male
form up to fifth child recorded |
|
Barnagarla |
nine |
|
Narungga |
Word lists
differ, modern Narungga has eight |
|
Wirangu |
Hercus only
records the male like, up to the fifth child |
Nukunu, which detailed not ten orders, but nine, contains
a masculine ‘last child’ as its ninth element. Hercus (in A Nukunu
Dictionary) is unclear what is meant by this, but I see two possibilities:
1.
This is the name for the youngest child of the
mother at any given point, being assigned a BON once a new child is born, who now
receives this status.
2.
This is the name for the final child a woman
chooses/is able to have.
Both of the above suggested systems are (at minimum) dyadic,
with the first child unable to receive the designation ‘last child’. I have
contacted Nukunu Wampa Thura for comment as to the nature of this term,
as well as the potential of a female counterpart, but am yet to receive a
response from them (as of 28/04/2024). Until further confirmation is received, I will not be
looking further into this ‘last child’
Table.2 (below) details the known BON’s recorded before the revival movements of each language. The exception being Narungga, which’s disagree on the third through to the eighth BON’s and have such been discounted. A further look at these sources is prudent at a later date. I have contacted the Wirangu and Nauo people for comment as to the missing elements of their BON’s, but am yet to et a response (as of 28/04/2024). As such, the following will not include their extended BON systems.
|
TABLE.2 Comparative
Birth-Order Names Recorded Before the Revival of Each Thura-Yura Language |
||||||
|
|
Kaurna[3] |
Nukunu[4] |
Nauo[5] |
Barngarla[6] |
Narungga[7] |
Wirangu[8] |
|
1st
Child Male M1-BON |
Kartamiru Kuyata |
Pirtiya |
Birdiya |
Biri |
Birridya |
Birdiya |
|
1st
Child Female F1-BON |
Kartanya Kartani Kartiartu |
Kartinya |
|
Gardanya |
Gardidu |
|
|
2nd
Child Male |
Warritya Yaraitya |
Warriya |
Warriya |
Warri Wari |
Warriya |
Wariya |
|
2nd
Child female |
Warruyu Warri-artu Yarartu |
Warrika |
|
Warooyoo |
Warridu |
|
|
3rd
Child Male |
Kudniyuita |
Kuni |
Guniya |
Gooni |
|
Guni[9] |
|
3rd
Child Female |
Kudnartu |
Kunartu |
|
Goonda |
|
|
|
4th
Child Male |
Munaitya |
Muniya |
Muniya |
Mooni |
|
|
|
4th
Child Female |
Munartu |
|
|
Moonaga |
|
|
|
5th
Child Male |
Midlaitya |
Marriya |
Marruyu |
Marri |
|
|
|
5th
Child Female |
Midlartu |
Marritu |
|
Marroogoo |
|
|
|
6th
Child Male |
Marrutya |
Wangiya |
|
Yarrri |
|
|
|
6th
Child Female |
Marruartu |
Wanguta |
|
Yarrranda |
|
|
|
7th
Child Male |
Wangutya |
Yariya |
|
Mili |
|
|
|
7th
Child Female |
Wanguartu |
Yarrinda |
|
Milaga |
|
|
|
8th
Child Male |
Ngadlaitya |
Miliya |
|
Wanggooyoo |
|
|
|
8th
Child Female |
Ngadlartu |
Milatu |
|
Wangoordoo |
|
|
|
9th
Child Male |
Pauwani |
|
|
ngarlayi |
|
|
|
9th
Child Female |
Pauwani |
|
|
ngarlaga |
|
|
|
Other |
|
Mawanha “last child,
male” |
|
|
|
|
The Distinctiveness
of the Kaurna M1-BON
Within the wider Thura-Yura BON systems, certain patterns
might be seen. With the exception of Kaurna, the words for the first
child have a notable gender dimorphic root, with the masculine variant beginning
with a bi-labial plosive, then a high front unrounded vowel, followed by a
rhotic of some variety, then an alveolar plosive and another high front
unrounded vowel. The feminine equivalent in all the languages listed in TABLE.2
begins with a velar plosive followed by a near-open central vowel, a rhotic, and
an alveolar plosive.
In Kaurna, the masculine and feminine forms of the
first child BON exhibit no gender dimorphism in their root, karta, which
indicates one was back-formed from the other. The reason for this might never
be known, however a likely culprit might be the practice of proscribing linguistic
elements, historically common to most all indigenous communities. It may be
that an individual, who’s name was similar to the M1-BON, died, resulting in a
proscribing of his name for a period. This might extend itself to the term for
the male first child, requiring a new term to take its place.
However the term might have been lost, the Kaurna scoured
their existing lexicon to form a new term. The KWP Dictionary details the word kartamiru
for M1-BON, stating it to be a compound of karta (lap) and miyu
(male), which might be understood as ‘the male on my lap’. Assuming this was
back-formed from the F1-BON we can determine the F1-BON to be a compound of karta
and the nominaliser -nya, which acts to create the performer of an
action. Therefore, kartanya might be read as ‘one who makes(?) the lap’,
perhaps interpreted as ‘the first person you have sitting on your lap
consistently’. While the etymology for kartanya is further separated
from common compounding, and therefore requiring more extrapolation, perhaps
this is fitting given its roots in a far older cultural and linguistic
tradition compared to its masculine variant.
Late-BON Misplacement
While there is limited information to draw on with regards to
the historic BON’s past the third child, what is present seems to have skewed.
While the fourth child BON for Kaurna, Nukunu, Nauo, &
Barngarla appear to be cognate to one another, the terms begin to be
misplaced upon reaching the fifth child.
The fifth child BON (5BON) is in agreement with Nukunu,
Nauo (M), & Barngarla, but bear a closer resemblance to 6BON
in Kaurna. So too does 6BON in Nukunu bear a closer resemblance
to Kaurna 7BON and Barngarla 8BON. Barngarla 9BON resembles
Kaurna 8BON. Nukunu 7BON resembles Barngarla 6BON. Barngarla 7BON resembles Nukunu
8BON and (potentially) Kaurna 5BON.
The reason for this (rather messy) dis-occurrence is unknown,
though multiple theories present themselves as possibilities. Once more, the
cultural practice of proscription may have resulted in names being “pushed
forward” along the local BON system (i.e. the words for 8BON become the words
for 7BON in a region after the words for 7BON were proscribed). This, however,
does not account for the continuous use of root words within the language, which
are likely to have been removed in a proscription-led adjustment, nor does it
account for the presence of these terms in a different position in the local
BON system.
Perhaps the community experienced a lengthy period of low
birth-rates, resulting in the higher BON words being confused within the
community. Even in such situations as smaller clan groups experiencing this, documenters
interviewing these clans might have resulted in modified/inaccurate information
being passed on. Furthermore, faulty documentation has been rife in historical
indigenous study. From transcription errors, to extrapolation, to outwrite lies
(the latter being unlikely in this situation), historic indigenous language
information can be a mess to stumble upon.
It is entirely possible that both declining birth-rates and
proscription, together, altered the BON system of these languages. In all likelihood,
the truth of the matter will never be determinable, but something clearly resulted
in an alteration of this unique cultural trait within each cultural group,
beyond sound shift. In future, a reconstructed proto-BON system, based in
Proto-Thura-Yura would be an intriguing project, which may provide insight into
these systemic changes.
[1] Anonymous
(2022) L63: Thura / Yura, L63: Thura / Yura | AIATSIS
Collection. Available at:
https://collection.aiatsis.gov.au/austlang/language/l63 (Accessed: 25 April
2024).
[2] Amery,
R. (2021) ‘Names and Naming’, in Kulurdu Marni Ngathaitya!: A Kaurna
Learner’s guide. 2nd edn. Mile End, SA: Wakefield Press, pp. 15–20.
[3] Amery,
R., Greenwood, S. and Morley, J. (2022) Kaurna warrapiipa = Kaurna
dictionary: Kaurna to English, English to Kaurna. Mile End, South
Australia: Wakefield Press.
[4] Hercus,
L.A. (1992) A nukunu dictionary. Canberra, ACT: L.A. Hercus.
[5] Mobile
Language Team: Nauo Wordlist (no date) Mobile Language Team |
Nauo Wordlist. Available at:
https://portal.mobilelanguageteam.com.au/lessons/nauo-wordlist/ (Accessed: 25
April 2024).
[6] Mobile
Language Team: Nauo Wordlist (no date) Mobile Language Team |
Nauo Wordlist. Available at:
https://portal.mobilelanguageteam.com.au/lessons/nauo-wordlist/ (Accessed: 25
April 2024).
When comparing to the Barngarla App, the words for sixth-child
(male and female) only use one ‘r’. I am unsure as to why Zuckermann chose to
use three in his personal website, but have chosen to continue this until
otherwise informed that it is an error.
[7] NHARANGGA
Warra = Narungga Dictionary. 1st edn (2006). Maitland, S. Aust., South
Australia: Narungga Aboriginal Progress Association.
The Narungga Dictionary states that word lists
detailing the names for the 3rd-8th child all disagree,
and the modern words present in the Dictionary were developed from these varying
accounts in community workshops. As they are new terms, they will not be
included here.
[8] Hercus,
L.A. (1999) A grammar of the Wirangu language from the West Coast of south
australia. Canberra, ACT: Pacific Linguistics, Research School of Pacific
and Asian Studies, Australian National University.
All of these terms present with Hercus’ updated
spellings. Original spellings are discussed in the source.
[9] According
to Hercus 1999, Povis states that this is the term for ‘eldest son’ but it
shows greater correspondence to the term for ‘third child, if male’ in other
Thura-Yura languages. Hercus, following this logic, places it here
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