The Complications in a Comparison of Thura-Yura Birth-Order Names

The Complications in a Comparison of Thura-Yura Birth-Order Names


According to most sources, a series of ten birth-order names (BON’s) are a distinct system unique to the Thura-Yura cultural/linguistic family.[1] This system persists into the modern day in all the Thura-Yura languages, presenting expanded forms in languages such as Kaurna,[2] which have organisations in place (such as the KWP) to assist in the development of language matters.

The notion presented above, of a ten-fold system is, however, not seen in the lexicon of most Thura-Yura languages, with the majority having eight or nine. The only system shown to have ten BON’s is the modern revived Kaurna, which have a formula for creating a near infinite number of BON’s, as detailed in the Kaurna Learners Guide.

TABLE.1

Number of Birth-Order Names Recorded Before the Revival of Each Thura-Yura Language

Language

Number of BON’s recorded in pre-revival movements

Kaurna

nine

Nukunu

Eight + ‘Last Child, male’

Nauo

Only the male form up to fifth child recorded

Barnagarla

nine

Narungga

Word lists differ, modern Narungga has eight

Wirangu

Hercus only records the male like, up to the fifth child

 

Nukunu, which detailed not ten orders, but nine, contains a masculine ‘last child’ as its ninth element. Hercus (in A Nukunu Dictionary) is unclear what is meant by this, but I see two possibilities:

1.      This is the name for the youngest child of the mother at any given point, being assigned a BON once a new child is born, who now receives this status.

2.      This is the name for the final child a woman chooses/is able to have.

Both of the above suggested systems are (at minimum) dyadic, with the first child unable to receive the designation ‘last child’. I have contacted Nukunu Wampa Thura for comment as to the nature of this term, as well as the potential of a female counterpart, but am yet to receive a response from them (as of 28/04/2024). Until further confirmation is received, I will not be looking further into this ‘last child’

 

Table.2 (below) details the known BON’s recorded before the revival movements of each language. The exception being Narungga, which’s disagree on the third through to the eighth BON’s and have such been discounted. A further look at these sources is prudent at a later date. I have contacted the Wirangu and Nauo people for comment as to the missing elements of their BON’s, but am yet to et a response (as of 28/04/2024). As such, the following will not include their extended BON systems.

 

 

 

TABLE.2

Comparative Birth-Order Names Recorded Before the Revival of Each Thura-Yura Language

 

Kaurna[3]

Nukunu[4]

Nauo[5]

Barngarla[6]

Narungga[7]

Wirangu[8]

1st Child Male

M1-BON

Kartamiru

Kuyata

Pirtiya

Birdiya

Biri

Birridya

Birdiya

1st Child Female

F1-BON

Kartanya

Kartani

Kartiartu

Kartinya

 

Gardanya

Gardidu

 

2nd Child Male

Warritya

Yaraitya

Warriya

Warriya

Warri

Wari

Warriya

Wariya

2nd Child female

Warruyu

Warri-artu

Yarartu

Warrika

 

Warooyoo

Warridu

 

3rd Child Male

Kudniyuita

Kuni

Guniya

Gooni

 

Guni[9]

3rd Child Female

Kudnartu

Kunartu

 

Goonda

 

 

4th Child Male

Munaitya

Muniya

Muniya

Mooni

 

 

4th Child Female

Munartu

 

 

Moonaga

 

 

5th Child Male

Midlaitya

Marriya

Marruyu

Marri

 

 

5th Child Female

Midlartu

Marritu

 

Marroogoo

 

 

6th Child Male

Marrutya

Wangiya

 

Yarrri

 

 

6th Child Female

Marruartu

Wanguta

 

Yarrranda

 

 

7th Child Male

Wangutya

Yariya

 

Mili

 

 

7th Child Female

Wanguartu

Yarrinda

 

Milaga

 

 

8th Child Male

Ngadlaitya

Miliya

 

Wanggooyoo

 

 

8th Child Female

Ngadlartu

Milatu

 

Wangoordoo

 

 

9th Child Male

Pauwani

 

 

ngarlayi

 

 

9th Child Female

Pauwani

 

 

ngarlaga

 

 

Other

 

Mawanha

“last child, male”

 

 

 

 

 

The Distinctiveness of the Kaurna M1-BON   

Within the wider Thura-Yura BON systems, certain patterns might be seen. With the exception of Kaurna, the words for the first child have a notable gender dimorphic root, with the masculine variant beginning with a bi-labial plosive, then a high front unrounded vowel, followed by a rhotic of some variety, then an alveolar plosive and another high front unrounded vowel. The feminine equivalent in all the languages listed in TABLE.2 begins with a velar plosive followed by a near-open central vowel, a rhotic, and an alveolar plosive.

In Kaurna, the masculine and feminine forms of the first child BON exhibit no gender dimorphism in their root, karta, which indicates one was back-formed from the other. The reason for this might never be known, however a likely culprit might be the practice of proscribing linguistic elements, historically common to most all indigenous communities. It may be that an individual, who’s name was similar to the M1-BON, died, resulting in a proscribing of his name for a period. This might extend itself to the term for the male first child, requiring a new term to take its place.

However the term might have been lost, the Kaurna scoured their existing lexicon to form a new term. The KWP Dictionary details the word kartamiru for M1-BON, stating it to be a compound of karta (lap) and miyu (male), which might be understood as ‘the male on my lap’. Assuming this was back-formed from the F1-BON we can determine the F1-BON to be a compound of karta and the nominaliser -nya, which acts to create the performer of an action. Therefore, kartanya might be read as ‘one who makes(?) the lap’, perhaps interpreted as ‘the first person you have sitting on your lap consistently’. While the etymology for kartanya is further separated from common compounding, and therefore requiring more extrapolation, perhaps this is fitting given its roots in a far older cultural and linguistic tradition compared to its masculine variant.

 

Late-BON Misplacement

While there is limited information to draw on with regards to the historic BON’s past the third child, what is present seems to have skewed. While the fourth child BON for Kaurna, Nukunu, Nauo, & Barngarla appear to be cognate to one another, the terms begin to be misplaced upon reaching the fifth child.

The fifth child BON (5BON) is in agreement with Nukunu, Nauo (M), & Barngarla, but bear a closer resemblance to 6BON in Kaurna. So too does 6BON in Nukunu bear a closer resemblance to Kaurna 7BON and Barngarla 8BON. Barngarla 9BON resembles Kaurna 8BON. Nukunu 7BON resembles Barngarla 6BON. Barngarla 7BON resembles Nukunu 8BON and (potentially) Kaurna 5BON.

The reason for this (rather messy) dis-occurrence is unknown, though multiple theories present themselves as possibilities. Once more, the cultural practice of proscription may have resulted in names being “pushed forward” along the local BON system (i.e. the words for 8BON become the words for 7BON in a region after the words for 7BON were proscribed). This, however, does not account for the continuous use of root words within the language, which are likely to have been removed in a proscription-led adjustment, nor does it account for the presence of these terms in a different position in the local BON system.

Perhaps the community experienced a lengthy period of low birth-rates, resulting in the higher BON words being confused within the community. Even in such situations as smaller clan groups experiencing this, documenters interviewing these clans might have resulted in modified/inaccurate information being passed on. Furthermore, faulty documentation has been rife in historical indigenous study. From transcription errors, to extrapolation, to outwrite lies (the latter being unlikely in this situation), historic indigenous language information can be a mess to stumble upon.  

It is entirely possible that both declining birth-rates and proscription, together, altered the BON system of these languages. In all likelihood, the truth of the matter will never be determinable, but something clearly resulted in an alteration of this unique cultural trait within each cultural group, beyond sound shift. In future, a reconstructed proto-BON system, based in Proto-Thura-Yura would be an intriguing project, which may provide insight into these systemic changes.



[1] Anonymous (2022) L63: Thura / YuraL63: Thura / Yura | AIATSIS Collection. Available at: https://collection.aiatsis.gov.au/austlang/language/l63 (Accessed: 25 April 2024).

[2] Amery, R. (2021) ‘Names and Naming’, in Kulurdu Marni Ngathaitya!: A Kaurna Learner’s guide. 2nd edn. Mile End, SA: Wakefield Press, pp. 15–20.

[3] Amery, R., Greenwood, S. and Morley, J. (2022) Kaurna warrapiipa = Kaurna dictionary: Kaurna to English, English to Kaurna. Mile End, South Australia: Wakefield Press.

[4] Hercus, L.A. (1992) A nukunu dictionary. Canberra, ACT: L.A. Hercus.

[5] Mobile Language Team: Nauo Wordlist (no date) Mobile Language Team | Nauo Wordlist. Available at: https://portal.mobilelanguageteam.com.au/lessons/nauo-wordlist/ (Accessed: 25 April 2024).

[6] Mobile Language Team: Nauo Wordlist (no date) Mobile Language Team | Nauo Wordlist. Available at: https://portal.mobilelanguageteam.com.au/lessons/nauo-wordlist/ (Accessed: 25 April 2024).

When comparing to the Barngarla App, the words for sixth-child (male and female) only use one ‘r’. I am unsure as to why Zuckermann chose to use three in his personal website, but have chosen to continue this until otherwise informed that it is an error.

[7] NHARANGGA Warra = Narungga Dictionary. 1st edn (2006). Maitland, S. Aust., South Australia: Narungga Aboriginal Progress Association.

The Narungga Dictionary states that word lists detailing the names for the 3rd-8th child all disagree, and the modern words present in the Dictionary were developed from these varying accounts in community workshops. As they are new terms, they will not be included here.

[8] Hercus, L.A. (1999) A grammar of the Wirangu language from the West Coast of south australia. Canberra, ACT: Pacific Linguistics, Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies, Australian National University.

All of these terms present with Hercus’ updated spellings. Original spellings are discussed in the source.

[9] According to Hercus 1999, Povis states that this is the term for ‘eldest son’ but it shows greater correspondence to the term for ‘third child, if male’ in other Thura-Yura languages. Hercus, following this logic, places it here


Comments